Tuesday, October 28, 2008

Twenty-Nine, Male, and Dangerously Ill

A young man with fevers and groin pain leads E.R. doctors on a race to find the cause. by Tony Dajer

“I’m sending you a patient.” The voice on the phone belonged to Fabio Giron, a critical-care specialist and one of the smartest doctors I know. “Twenty-nine-year-old guy, headache, photophobia, fevers off and on for two weeks. Trouble urinating. Ataxic gait.”

“Bizarre,” I replied. “Start with a head CT and spinal tap?”

“Definitely. I can’t figure out if it’s viral meningitis or maybe a brain abscess,” Fabio said.

The signs were not good. Photophobia —light bothering the eyes—is a classic symptom of infection or inflammation of the meninges, the lining of the brain. Ataxic gait—inability to walk a straight line—suggests damage to the cerebellum, the brain’s coordination center. Most odd and worrisome was the difficulty urinating. That suggested a tumor or infection in the spinal cord.

The symptoms were all over the neurological map. I got off the phone and found the charge nurse. “Jeannie, Dr. Giron is sending a patient down. Possible meningitis. We need an isolation room.”

I called over my two medical students, Anne and John, to relay the story. Taking notes, they both nodded gravely.

“Your job,” I said, “is diagnosis.”

Twenty minutes later they were back.

“Well,” Anne said, pursing her lips. “We’re not sure.”

John jumped in. “He’s under a lot of stress. Three hours’ sleep a night. Taking a slew of cold remedies and stimulants to stay awake. Two weeks ago he was running somewhere, really had to urinate. When he finally went, he felt he had ‘done some harm’ to his bladder. Since then he’s had a weak stream.”

“That makes no sense.” I eyed the ceiling tiles. “You can rupture a bladder, but how can you ‘harm’ it?”

John shrugged. “As for the headaches, they come and go.”

“Any migraine history?”

Anne picked up the thread. “No. Very healthy guy. And then the fevers. They come every three days. Drench the sheets.”

In two weeks bacterial meningitis would have killed him. “Could be lymphoma. Any enlarged lymph nodes?”

“No,” John replied, “but that doesn’t rule it out, does it?”

“No.”

“Plus, he has this lower abdominal pain,” Anne added, “but there’s no tenderness when you press. Temp is 102, but the rest of the exam is normal.”

“Boy, lots going on. Let’s see if we can sort the real clues from the red herrings.”

Entering the isolation room, John and Anne donned their masks again. One look at the muscular, smiling young man sitting on the stretcher told me that he did not have meningitis.

“Masks off,” I told them. “Hi,” I said to their patient. “I’m Dr. Dajer. I’m the boss.”

He gave me a hearty handshake. “I’m Kevin. I’m the patient.”

Chuckling, I said, “I heard all about the cold remedies. Any other meds?”

Kevin ducked his head. “I know it was a bad idea, but I took some flu medication a week ago. A friend gave it to me. I figured I had the flu.”

“Don’t ever do that again,” I said mock sternly. “Seriously, those things can cause a lot of side effects. Did you have trouble walking afterward?”

Kevin thought a moment. “Not really. Just kept feeling crummy.”

“Any alcohol lately?”

“Some over the weekend.”

“How much is ‘some’?”

“I was stupid. Vodka shots.”

“Enough to get drunk?”

He winced. “Yup.”

The clues were lining up: Stress plus no sleep plus a lingering hangover-cum-migraine plus the effects of flu meds would make anyone batty.

I walked my students through the neurological exam. Kevin’s neck was supple in every direction. No sign of meningeal irritation, making meningitis even less likely.

“Now let’s see you walk heel to toe,” I told him.

He shrugged an apology. “I really scared Dr. Giron with this one. But I can do it better now.” A brief wobble, then he got heel and toe to line up.

“This urinating problem, does it burn or hurt when you pee?”

“No, but something happened when I was running that time. And that pain is back.”

+++

He pointed to his lower right groin. The spot didn’t match appendicitis. Through Kevin’s boxer shorts, I pressed across the lower belly and the upper thigh.

“Does this hurt?”

“No. When I’m lying down it’s OK.”

“Benign abdomen,” I muttered to Anne and John. “Nothing there. Let’s go think.”

As we were walking out, the brown checker­board pattern on Kevin’s shorts caught my eye. His exam was not complete.

“Why don’t you guys wait outside?” I told my duo.

Turning back to Kevin, I said, “Let’s take a look. Just pull them down and stand up here, OK?”

Kevin hopped off the bed and faced me. Sitting, I felt his groin for hernias, then gently examined the testicles. As my fingers moved behind the left one, he jerked back.

“Ow. That hurts. Up here, between my legs.”

Suddenly, clarity. Anatomists call that nether region of our bodies the perineum. Pain there equals prostatitis.

“We need to do a rectal, Kevin. Sorry.”

Inserting a gloved and lubricated finger into his rectum, I felt the contour of the prostate. It was swollen and boggy.

“Wow, that really hurts, Doc.”

Everything snapped into place: the fevers, the abdominal pain, and the difficulty urinating all stemmed from an infection of the prostate. Tucked away in such a private spot, an infected prostate can cause symptoms so vague that patients think, as Kevin did, that they have the flu. Doctors, in turn, often miss the diagnosis. At the other extreme, an infected prostate may trigger life-threatening bacterial sepsis.

The size of a walnut, the prostate gland sits between bladder and rectum, encasing—and discharging its secretions into—the urethra as it exits the bladder. It lies so close to the rectal lining that prostate biopsies can be taken right through it. As to function, it’s all about reproduction: Without secretions from the prostate, sperm would never complete their dash to the ovum. Unfortunately, the prostate is hardly the pinnacle of evolutionary design. As men age, some 80 percent develop an enlarged prostate, which can press on the hollow urethra and throttle urination. More dangerous, it can turn malignant. Prostate cancer is a leading cause of cancer death in men (almost 29,000 per year). Say “prostate” and most people, doctors included, think “old man.”

Turns out, it is not old men who most often get prostatitis, the infection or inflammation of the gland. The numbers are surprising: In one large Canadian study, 20 percent of men under 60 complained of symptoms attributable to chronic prostatitis. Let’s face it, the gland lives in a dirty neighborhood. Bacteria can sneak in through the rectal wall or be sexually transmitted through the penis (chlamydiae are not uncommon visitors). Because the gland is honeycomb-like and filled with secretions, bacteria can rapidly infect it. Yet most antibiotics penetrate it weakly, so treatment for bacterial prostatitis must last four to six weeks. Misery results when small pockets of infection remain, causing persistent, frustratingly broad symptoms. In some cases, it takes repeated, painstaking milking of the gland (via a rectal exam) and meticulous culturing to identify the culprit. It might also require a patient to repeat a long-term course of antibiotics.

For Kevin, at least, we now knew where to begin. I rang up Fabio. “You owe me a dollar.”

“OK, but it better be good.”

“Prostatitis.”

“Shoot, he was complaining about the urination as I walked him down to the ER. I missed it.”

“Want me to write his prescriptions?”

“No. I’ll be right down.”

Minutes later Fabio was writing a prescription for four weeks of antibiotics. Kevin pressed an arm across his lower belly. “Boy, after that rectal exam this whole part hurts,” he said.

Fabio pointed at me.

“His fault.”

“Sorry about that,” I said. John and Anne followed me out of the room.

“Not that sorry,” I whispered. “That complaint just clinched the diagnosis.”

Tony Dajer is the chairman of the department of emergency medicine at New York Downtown Hospital in Manhattan. The cases described in Vital Signs are real, but names and certain details have been changed.

Saturday, October 25, 2008

Can Vitamin C Cure Colds?

When the sniffles strike, many of us reach for a glass of orange juice or a vitamin C supplement. But are they really effective?

Sarah Kliff
Newsweek Web Exclusive
Nov 15, 2007 | Updated: 4:59 p.m. ET Nov 15, 2007

Oranges, grapefruits and other vitamin C-loaded foods have many health benefits. But study after study has shown that the vitamin does little—if anything—to cure, prevent or even shorten the duration of the common cold.

The most recent roundup of vitamin C research, published this spring in the Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, evaluated several decades of studies that included more than 11,000 subjects taking 200 or more milligrams of vitamin C each day. (The government's recommended daily allowance is 60 milligrams.) The research found that vitamin C did little to reduce either the length or severity of colds among the general population. However, studies have found that it may lower the risk of catching a cold among people whose bodies are under high physical stress—think marathon runners or soldiers on subarctic exercises. They were 50 percent less likely to catch a cold if they took a daily dose of vitamin C.

For the rest of us, however, that extra glass of orange juice is not going to do much. "The presumption of the millions of people who are taking vast amounts of vitamin C that they're preventing a cold has no foundation," says Robert Douglas, lead author of the study and former president of the Public Health Association of Australia.

So where did the vitamin C-cold connection start? It all stems from Linus Pauling, a Nobel Prize-winning chemist who lived from 1901 to 1994. In 1970 he wrote the book "Vitamin C and the Common Cold," which popularized the notion that this particular vitamin could prevent one of the most common ailments on earth. But the book came with little scientific backing and was largely devoid of evidence, says Pauling biographer Thomas Hager. "He published this very influential health book without writing a single scientific paper on the subject," he says. "He seemed to be prescribing a major change in dietary habits without much evidence." Nonetheless, the book's message stuck.

While the cold-killing effect may not exist, doctors have little incentive to correct the notion that it does, since consumption of vitamin C is not considered a public threat. (In fact, some studies have associated vitamin C's antioxidant properties with a decreased incidence of some cancers.) "Is it worth trying to dissuade people?" asks Arnold Monto, a professor of epidemiology at the University of Michigan's School of Public Health. "You've got to choose your battles in public health. Having an extra glass of orange juice may do some good, and it certainly isn't going to do a lot of harm."

In short, if you like the taste of orange juice, then drink up. But keep the tissues handy.

URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/70628

Thursday, October 23, 2008

Climbing the Academic Ladder

Nancy Andrews, dean of Duke Medical School, on the challenges facing women in science.

Nancy Andrews
NEWSWEEK
From the magazine issue dated Oct 13, 2008

I got interested in science in high school and went to Yale thinking that I was going to become a scientist and probably a professor. But in my senior year, some friends from Yale Medical School persuaded me to apply to a combined M.D./Ph.D. program so that I could work in areas of science that wouldn't be as open to me with only a Ph.D. This was in the late 1970s, and it never occurred to me that being a woman might be a problem. That was probably a good thing.

As part of the M.D./Ph.D. program, I did a year and a half of medical school at Harvard, went to MIT for three and a half years, and then returned to Harvard for my final two years of medical school. I never felt at a disadvantage, but there were moments in my training when I would suddenly become aware that there weren't a lot of other women in my position. I remember being on rounds with an all-male team and hearing the residents and doctors talk about women patients and nurses and women faculty in ways that shocked me.

After medical school, I became a pediatrics resident. I didn't do it because it was what was expected of women. I did it because it was the direction of my research and interests. I think that people were expecting me to head toward a clinical career, which was more common for women. But I just kept moving forward and didn't really pay any attention. I wanted to do research because I liked the idea that I could be my own intellectual boss. In clinical medicine, it's a different kind of reward. I enjoyed working with kids and with their families. But it was always responding to something, rather than creating something.

I deliberately chose to wait to have my children until after I was finished with my formal training. As soon as I could see my way to my first faculty position, I got pregnant with my daughter. I was lucky because it happened basically when I wanted it to. My son was born three years later. In retrospect, I was probably pretty naive about trying to do all those things at once, but it worked out. I think the most important thing is to have your partner sharing in the responsibilities. I had that.

I spent most of my career at Harvard and was a dean at the medical school when I decided to move to Duke. I wanted to do something new.

I was surprised that there was so much publicity about my move, but I understand why: there are still very few women running top medical schools. Even the word "dean" conjures up a male image for many people. I saw that firsthand when my husband and my children and I visited a school where Duke staff members had made an appointment for the new dean of the medical school—but neglected to provide the principal with a vital piece of information. The principal, a man, held out his hand to my husband and said, "Ah, you must be the man of the moment." And my husband just said, "No, it's actually her." The principal recovered quickly, and said, "Well, all the better," which was a great response.

My goal is pretty simple: to convince our students and faculty that they can go out and do whatever they want to do. People hear so much advice, including a lot of bad advice, about what they can or cannot do. I worry a lot when people come in and say, "I was told I can't do both science and medicine," or "I was told I can't do medicine and be very involved with my family." When young people hear those things, they can become self-fulfilling prophecies.

If there are unwritten rules that don't make sense to me, I challenge them and see if I can change them.

URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/162356

Tuesday, October 21, 2008

Mental health coverage to see boost as long-sought parity law is enacted

The law does not apply to small employers or the individual insurance market. But it leaves stronger state parity laws intact.

By Doug Trapp, AMNews staff. Oct. 27, 2008.


The $700 billion economic recovery bill signed into law on Oct. 3 was designed to improve the nation's economic health. But a provision in the law also should serve to improve the mental health of many by requiring parity between mental health benefits and physical health benefits.

The mental health parity law, more than a decade in the making, "is one of the most dramatic improvements in the health care available for people who have mental illness and substance use problems in my lifetime," said Jeremy A. Lazarus, MD, 65, a psychiatrist and speaker of the AMA House of Delegates.

Coverage requirements go into effect in January 2010 for most plans. Doctors who have had difficulty referring patients to psychiatrists and other mental health professionals should find significantly fewer obstacles, Dr. Lazarus said.

Physicians sometimes struggle with current coverage limitations in the mental health portions of insurance plans, said Nada Stotland, MD, MPH, president of the American Psychiatric Assn. Many plans, for example, require more prior authorizations or higher patient cost-sharing for mental health benefits than they do for medical or surgical benefits.

The Paul Wellstone and Pete Domenici Mental Health Parity and Addiction Equity Act of 2008 became law on the back of the economic recovery act. The law bans most group health plans that offer mental health and substance abuse benefits from restricting them -- through higher cost-sharing or treatment limits -- more than they do medical or surgical benefits. It also requires plans to cover any out-of-network mental health benefits if they cover out-of-network medical and surgical benefits.

The mental health parity law will affect health coverage for more than 113 million Americans.

The parity law is expected to apply to more than 113 million Americans' health coverage, including 82 million enrolled in self-funded group plans, which aren't regulated by state mental parity laws, according to the measure's authors. Nearly every state has at least a limited mental parity law.

The federal law exempts employers with 50 or fewer workers. It also exempts for one year any group plans that see a 2% increase in the cost of benefits during the first year the law takes effect or a 1% increase in any subsequent year. The law does not apply to the individual health insurance market.

Patient advocates have been trying to broaden mental health coverage since the Mental Health Parity Act of 1996 was enacted. That law prohibits insurers only from imposing stricter lifetime or annual caps on mental health benefits than they do for physical health benefits.

"This is a civil rights issue," said Sen. Edward Kennedy (D, Mass.). "With passage of this bill, fundamental justice arrives for millions of our fellow Americans who deal with mental illness."

Representatives of hospitals and health plans also praised the measure.

It "marks a turning point for mental health in this country," said Chip Kahn, the Federation of American Hospitals' president.

America's Health Insurance Plans hailed the law for allowing health plans to continue to manage benefits based on valid medical evidence. "Millions of Americans will now be assured greater access to mental and behavioral health coverage while continuing to benefit from the innovative programs health plans have developed to promote high-quality, evidence-based care," said Karen Ignagni, AHIP president and CEO.

A long-sought balance

The final version, breaking a more-than-decade-old stalemate, is a compromise between parity bills adopted in September 2007 by the Senate and in March 2008 by the House.

Sens. Mike Enzi (R, Wyo.), Pete Domenici (R, N.M.) and Kennedy took the lead on the Senate version. Reps. Patrick Kennedy (D, R.I.) and Jim Ramstad (R, Minn.) authored the House measure.

Businesses with 50 or fewer employees are exempt from the mental health parity law.

For the compromise version, the senators agreed to drop a provision to preempt all state parity laws, not just the weaker ones. The House members agreed to drop a requirement that plans with mental health benefits cover all conditions in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders version four.

The AMA, as part of the Coalition for Fairness in Mental Illness Coverage, a group of mental health advocates, supported the passage of the final mental health parity bill.

Business leaders fought mental health parity in the late 1990s but changed their perspectives after embracing wellness and preventive health care, said Neil Trautwein, National Retail Federation vice president and employee benefits policy counsel. "We want to be able to identify and manage chronic conditions. We want to prevent them when we best can."

Trautwein chaired an ad-hoc coalition of business and insurance representatives that participated in the negotiations and helped shape the final compromise between the more sweeping House bill and the more limited Senate measure.

Dr. Lazarus is hopeful that the parity law's benefit mandate won't lead employers to drop mental health coverage. "There's adequate evidence that when people get appropriate mental health treatment they're actually more productive workers."

The Government Accountability Office will report to Congress by October 2011 on the parity law's impact on coverage, costs and care. By 2012, the Dept. of Labor will report to Congress on group health plans' compliance.

A shortage of mental health care professionals could continue to hamper access to care, said the APA's Dr. Stotland. Although the law should encourage people who need care to seek it in part by destigmatizing many of the treatments, patients may have trouble finding an available professional. Health plans' networks sometimes include psychiatrists who are retired or who can't see new patients for weeks, she said.

Workers at businesses with 50 or fewer employees won't be affected by the law and could continue to have inferior mental health and substance abuse coverage, Dr. Stotland said. "When people go to [interview for] a job, that's not something they're going to make a fuss about."

Dr. Lazarus and Trautwein said it's too soon to tell if another mental health parity expansion will be needed down the road.



ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:

Principles of parity law

Employer-based group health plans that have more than 50 members and cover medical and surgical plus mental health or substance abuse must:

  • Set equal financial requirements for the benefits, such as deductibles, co-payments, coinsurance and out-of-pocket expenses.
  • Set equal treatment limitations, such as caps on frequency of care, number of visits and days of coverage.
  • Offer out-of-network coverage for mental health and substance abuse benefits if out-of-network coverage is offered for medical and surgical benefits.



Years in the making

The Mental Health Parity Act of 1996 prohibited group plans from offering mental health and substance abuse coverage with more restrictive annual and lifetime limits than for medical and surgical coverage. Lawmakers tried for more than a decade to strengthen the law.

105th Congress (1997-98): Two mental health parity bills are introduced in the House, including one that would require plans offering mental health benefits to offer equivalent coverage for all conditions in the DSM-IV. No hearings are held, but lawmakers extend the 1996 parity law to all State Children's Health Insurance Program and Medicaid managed care plans.

106th Congress (1999-2000): Four mental health parity bills are introduced, but none receives a vote. President Clinton extends full mental health and substance abuse parity to federal employees' health plans.

107th Congress (2001-02): Sens. Mike Enzi (R, Wyo.) and Paul Wellstone (D, Minn.) introduce a bill that would provide full parity for all DSM-IV diagnoses, but the House rejects it. Instead, lawmakers extend the 1996 parity law through 2003. Wellstone dies in a plane crash in October 2002.

108th Congress (2003-04): Lawmakers extend the 1996 parity law through 2005 but hold no hearings on three new parity bills.

109th Congress (2005-06): Lawmakers extend the 1996 parity law through 2007. Reps. Patrick Kennedy (D, R.I.) and Jim Ramstad (R, Minn.) reintroduce a parity bill named after Wellstone that would provide full parity for all DSM-IV diagnoses, but no hearings are held.

110th Congress (2007-08): Kennedy and Ramstad reintroduce the Wellstone parity bill. Sens. Enzi, Edward Kennedy (D, Mass.) and Pete Domenici (R, N.M.) introduce a more limited parity bill based on negotiations with stakeholders. The House and Senate easily adopt their respective versions. Lawmakers include a compromise parity bill in an economic recovery act President Bush signs into law on Oct. 6.

Source: Congressional Research Service



Copyright 2008 American Medical Association. All rights reserved.

Sunday, October 19, 2008

VM Oct 4: Jumping to Premature Conclusions

The goals of fertility specialists oftentimes conflict with those of neonatologists, and regulatory agencies should intervene to reduce the number of preterm babies.

Annie Janvier, BSc, MD, PhD

In the United States, one in eight babies is born prematurely, accounting for more than 500,000 births each year. Before the 1970s, babies that were even mildly premature often died, but recent scientific developments have led to a decrease in their mortality. Contemporary with the birth of the neonatology field was the birth of modern bio ethics. Ethical questions posed as a result of improved treatment of prematurity have been numerous—one prominent concern being the tiny baby at the "limits of viability." To assume that extreme prematurity is the main ethical problem in neonatology, however, is to jump to premature conclusions. The large majority of preterm infants are between 32 and 36 weeks' gestation, and these "late preterm" births impose the largest emotional and financial burdens on families and society.

Learning Objective Understand how the goals of fertility specialists can conflict with those of neonatologists and how regulatory agencies might intervene to reduce the number of preterm babies.

This article will discuss prematurity, the recent technological advances that led to increased neonatal survival, and the complexity of decision making for treatment of these infants. I will focus on a neglected ethical issue of great importance: the rising number of premature births. As a consequence of lax governmental investment in the prevention of preterm birth, society, babies, and families continue to pay more every year—financially, physically and emotionally—for avoidable burdens of prematurity.

Neonatology is a recent subspecialty of pediatrics that focuses on the medical care of newborn infants who require intensive monitoring and treatment. The majority of patients in neonatal intensive care units (NICUs) are born prematurely. A normal gestation lasts 40 weeks after the mother's last menstrual period, and prematurity is defined as a gestation lasting fewer than 37 weeks. In 1963, Patrick Bouvier Kennedy, son of the late President John F. Kennedy, was born at a gestational age of 35 weeks and died 2 days later. At that time, to be born 5 weeks early was a substantial risk. Three recent developments in neonatology—respirators, antenatal corticosteroids, and surfactant replacement therapy—have given babies born at 35 weeks' gestation mortality rates only slightly higher than those of full-term infants.

Babies born in the last 20 years are more likely to survive and less apt to develop a disability than those at the same gestational age born before 1980. Even so, the number of premature babies with disabilities or significant morbidity as a result of prematurity has remained relatively unchanged because, even though a lower percentage of survivors have impairments, more babies survive. And prematurity rates are continuing to rise. Although all developed countries have rising rates of preterm births, the United States retains the highest rate among industrialized countries with 12.5 percent in 2004 [1], and most of these preterm babies in NICUs are late preterm, with gestational ages between 32 and 36 weeks. Babies that are extremely preterm, with a gestation of fewer than 28 weeks or a weight of less than 1,000 grams (also called extremely low-birth-weight babies), comprise 0.8 percent of all deliveries and about 10 percent of NICU admissions. Currently, infants weighing 1,000 grams or born at 27 weeks' gestation have an approximately 90 percent chance of survival, with the majority having normal neurological development [2].

The earlier in its gestation that a baby is delivered, the greater the risks of complications, mainly developmental delay, cerebral palsy, chronic pulmonary disease, learning disability, hyperactivity, and, much less frequently, deafness and blindness. Babies of less than 26 weeks' gestation, as noted, form a minority of babies in the NICU. Of the survivors, about half are without disability at 3 years of age, and 25 percent have a major impairment such as cerebral palsy (10 percent), blindness (2 to 5 percent), deafness (2 to 5 percent), and developmental delay. These are the babies that make the headlines in newspapers and receive much attention from bioethicists regarding the decision-making dilemmas they pose.

The questions are of three main types: (1) whether to intervene medically, (2) whether a medical intervention should be stopped once it has started, and (3) who should be primarily responsible for these decisions and how. The decisions are critical; failure to provide the medical care in question often leads to death, whereas intervening often brings a chance of survival, either with or without serious impairments. Dilemmas arise on a case-by-case basis, raising one of the most profound questions regarding human life: which life with disability is worse than death?

Thankfully decision making for the majority of preterm infants is much simpler; more than 80 percent of NICU preterm admissions are babies born after 30 weeks' gestational age. Mortality in these babies is extremely low, and individual outcomes are generally excellent. On a population basis, however, the implications of the large numbers of late preterm infants are more important. About 10 percent of babies are born late preterm in the United States, and the frequency of long-term disabilities such as cerebral palsy, although low, is higher in these babies than in those born at term. More babies with disabilities originate each year from this group of patients than from extremely preterm or full-term infants. Half the patients in cerebral palsy registries were not admitted to a NICU at birth. For the remaining half, most were of a gestation greater than 28 weeks at birth. In general, there would be no ethical question about whether to admit these babies to the NICU. In order to substantially decrease disability rates from late prematurity in the population and the NICU costs, one would have to let patients of 28 to 36 weeks' gestation die, which would of course be morally unacceptable.

Preventing Prematurity

A major issue in neonatal ethics is how to prevent babies from being born preterm in the first place. Because of advances in obstetric surveillance, the number of medically induced preterm births for fetal or maternal reasons has grown, accompanied by a decrease in the stillbirth rate. About 25 percent of preterm deliveries are medically induced because of risk to the fetus or mother [3]. Limiting this source of prematurity may be neither feasible nor desirable.

Today, multiple pregnancies (twins, triplets, or more) and delayed childbearing account for a significant, and potentially reducible portion in the rate of prematurity. The substantial increase in multiple births over the last 2 decades [1, 4, 5, 6] is attributable, in large part, to artificial reproductive technologies (ART). Multiple gestations can occur following ovarian stimulation or when more than one embryo is transferred during in vitro fertilization (IVF). In the United States, 32 percent of live births following IVF are multiple pregnancies. Multiple births increase the risks of fetal, maternal, and neonatal morbidities. Fifty percent of twins and more than 90 percent of triplets are born preterm and admitted to the NICU.

Also contributing to growing numbers of preterm babies is the fact that the average maternal age is increasing; women who deliver after 40 years of age have a greater than 16 percent risk of delivering preterm [1]. As women age, their fertility declines and more employ ART to get pregnant, which places them at even greater risk for premature delivery because now they may have twins or triplets.

Given these biological realities and their consequences for newborns, our society should inform women about the risks of delayed child bearing and encourage them to have children earlier. On average, women in their early twenties have fewer financial resources than those over 35. When a woman decides to have children in early adulthood, does the government provide generous maternity leave, social and economic support for their education, and subsidized, universal childcare services when the child is young? The answer, unfortunately, is no. Society rewards performance, work, and wealth, creating an incentive to delay childbearing. The same women who would receive very limited financial incentives were they to become pregnant at an earlier age when the risks of prematurity were lower end up paying for expensive ART services years later and increasing their risks.

Conflicts between Goals of ART and Best Interest of Newborns

Infertility is a health problem that ART can help treat. There are some alternatives to ART, mainly adoption (local and international) and surrogacy, but these alternatives can be complicated and costly, and are unacceptable to some. ART services are neither reimbursed nor regulated by the Canadian and U.S. governments, which creates discrimination in access to treatment due to the cost of services. Physicians who provide ART are vulnerable to conflicts of interest. ARTs are effective—the rate of conception for fertile couples trying to conceive a baby naturally is about 25 percent per cycle. Some IVF providers, on the other hand, state a success rate per cycle as high as 60 percent [7]. This efficacy comes with a cost: an epidemic of multiple births created by physicians and governments that oftentimes produces complications for babies, their families, and society.

Infertile couples are emotionally vulnerable, which can mean they are willing to take greater health risks to acquire a baby. Because patients pay per cycle of IVF, a "two- or three-for-one" deal is an appealing alternative. But having twins is a lottery; 50 percent of IVF twins are preterm, some extremely preterm. It is also a gamble for women, inasmuch as every risk associated with pregnancy increases when a woman carries more than one fetus. In one study, despite being adequately informed of the risks, patients in fertility clinics still wanted twins: 85 percent of childless women in one study had the goal of getting pregnant with twins [8]. In fertility literature, success of a cycle of infertility treatment is counted as a live birth after 20 weeks' gestation. By implanting more than one embryo and impregnating patients with fewer treatment cycles, the success rate of a fertility clinic improves, which attracts more clients and improves financial competitiveness: multiple pregnancies can therefore also be seen as beneficial for the fertility physician. These conflicts of interest are largely responsible for the tremendous increase in multiple pregnancies in the United States and Canada. Hence, in a society where the patient pays for IVF, there is a perverse economic incentive for both patients and physicians to increase the risk of complications for mothers and disabilities in babies.

While the ethics hot topics in the reproductive world are pre-implantation genetic diagnosis, selection of various performance genes, and pregnancy in woman over 60, the numbers involved in those endeavors are very small, or even theoretical. In contrast, we calculated that 17 percent of NICU admissions were multiple gestations following ART [9]. Most of these could have been avoided by rigorously controlling the clinical practices relating to the treatment of infertility. It's easy to envision a public policy to decrease multiple births. Unlike Canada and the United States, some countries—Sweden, Belgium, Finland, and Denmark, for example—regulate and reimburse ART services. In these countries, single-embryo transfer during IVF is the norm. Where financial conflicts of interest related to ART are avoided, patients and physicians seem far less willing to take the unnecessary risk of multiple births in order to become pregnant as quickly as possible. Having children with the least risk for the mother and infant seems to be the morally responsible position.

The cost of IVF treatment goes beyond fees for the procedure itself; it includes the cost of health care to women and their children born from such techniques. Reimbursement for ART should be contingent upon regulating IVF and ovarian stimulation. Exceptions to single-embryo transfer could be considered only for mothers over 38, where the transfer of two embryos can be acceptable to achieve a singleton pregnancy. Medical societies and health-system regulations in the United States and Canada have a moral responsibility to reduce the frequency of multiple gestations following IVF to a level similar to that found in countries where single-embryo transfer is the norm, for example to 6 percent in Sweden (compared to about 32 percent in the United States). Restricting embryo transfers without including reimbursement will likely lead to "reproductive tourism"—women traveling abroad to find unregulated fertility centers where they can continue to have multiple-embryo transfers and hope for multiple gestations with the attendant risks and costs.

Do U.S. hospitals want to decrease NICU stay? While in most areas of pediatrics, frequency and duration of hospitalization have decreased over several years, NICU admissions have gone up mainly because of the increase in prematurity. According to pediatrician and ethicist John Lantos, "NICUs have become the economic engine that keeps children's hospitals running [10]." Lantos adds, "It almost seems as if society, by some mechanism, is working against health to produce more and more low-birth-weight babies, and that medicine is then working against society, desperately trying to patch the wounds caused by some nameless thing that is forcing our babies from the womb too soon [11]." Countries that have made single-embryo transfer the norm have drastically reduced the rate of multiple births without affecting the pregnancy rate. These countries have lower prematurity rates. Why do we see the epidemic of multiple births as an immutable social and political phenomenon when so many countries have demonstrated that this epidemic is controllable? Do our institutions also have conflicts of interest?

Canada and the United States are successful in developing specialists who have the skills to make preterm babies survive with a good prognosis. NICUs are the most efficient and cost-effective ICUs in modern medicine, but they should not be seen as the only solution to prematurity. In my NICU, physicians and our government are responsible for a preventable 17 percent of the admissions and for significant avoidable mortality and morbidity, which produce unacceptable financial and emotional costs [9]..Medical developments have changed the way physicians and society respond to diseases of neonates, to their illnesses, and to the pain and suffering of their parents. We have to question whether we are responding adequately to these new challenges. Rising prematurity rates and the continued unchecked epidemic of multiple births are a sign of political and moral failure.


References

  1. Born too soon and too small in Arizona. March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation 2008. PeriStats. http://www.marchofdimes.com/Peristats/pdflib/195/04.pdf.
  2. Lemons JA, Bauer CR, Oh W, et al. Very low birth weight outcomes of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Neonatal Research Network, January 1995 through December 1996. NICHD Neonatal Research Network. Pediatrics. 2001;107(1):E1.
  3. Goldenberg RL, Iams JD, Mercer BM, et al. The preterm prediction study: the value of new vs standard risk factors in predicting early and all spontaneous preterm births. NICHD MFMU Network. Am J Public Health. 1998;88(2):233-238.
  4. Meis PJ, Michielutte R, Peters TJ, et al. Factors associated with preterm birth in Cardiff, Wales. II. Indicated and spontaneous preterm birth. Am J Obstet Gynecol. 1995;173(2):597-602.
  5. Meis PJ, Goldenberg RL, Mercer BM, et al. The preterm prediction study: risk factors for indicated preterm births. Maternal-Fetal Medicine Units Network of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. Am J Obstet Gynecol. 1998;178(3):562-567.
  6. Bartholomew S, Crain J, Dzakpasu S, et al. Canadian Perinatal Health Report 2003. http://www.phac-aspc.gc.ca/publicat/cphr-rspc03/pdf/cphr-rspc03_e.pdf.
  7. McGill Reproductive Center. http://www.mcgillivf.com. Updated August 15, 2008. Accessed August 10, 2008.
  8. Pinborg A, Loft A, Schmidt L, Andersen AN. Attitudes of IVF/ICSI-twin mothers towards twins and single embryo transfer. Hum Reprod. 2003;18(3):621-627.
  9. Spelke B, Janvier A, Brown R, Vallerand D, Barrington KJ. The cost of irresponsibility. Platform presentation, clinical bioethics, at: Society for Pediatric Research 2008, Honolulu.
  10. Lantos JD. Hooked on neonatology. Health Aff (Millwood). 2001;20(5):236.
  11. Lantos, 237.

Annie Janvier, BSc, MD, PhD, is an assistant professor of pediatrics at McGill University in Montreal. She has a doctorate in bioethics and is a clinical ethicist. Her main interests are decision making for neonates and other incompetent patients, end-of-life issues, and decision making in the face of uncertainty.

Wednesday, October 15, 2008

Drop That Corn Dog, Doctor

If doctors aren't making wise choices about their health, what kind of message are they sending their patients?

Claudia Kalb
NEWSWEEK
From the magazine issue dated Oct 13, 2008

I'm not naive when it comes to doctors' diets. I've seen M.D.s eat cookies in hospital cafeterias and gulp down sodas at medical conferences. One of my doctor friends sneaks corn dogs and fried dough at the beach. But even I was surprised when I sat down to dinner with a couple of physicians one night and watched them order the biggest steak platters on the menu. Here were two guys who presumably recognized the ills of dietary fat and clogged arteries, eating an overly rich, wildly caloric meal. Shouldn't they have known better?

On the whole, America's physicians are healthier than the people they take care of. Twenty-one percent of the population smokes; only 4 percent of docs do. And M.D.s are leaner, too. Forty-four percent of male doctors are overweight and 6 percent are obese, according to Harvard's Physicians' Health Study. The rest of America: 65 and 32 percent, respectively. We can all do better.

But doctors are the people we look to for guidance and advice about our health. If they're not making wise choices, what kind of message are they sending us? Studies show that physicians are more likely to counsel patients about good health habits when they're also following the rules. "You can't look a patient in the eye and talk to them about exercising, diet and weight loss if you yourself aren't a role model," says Dr. Ted Epperly, president of the American Academy of Family Physicians.

Dr. David Eisenberg, director of the Osher Research Center at Harvard Medical School, came up with a novel idea: teach doctors how to create "nutritious, yet delicious" meals so that they can, in turn, teach their patients. With diabetes, heart disease and cancer plaguing this nation, a nutritious diet is "as essential as any prescription drug or surgery," says Eisenberg, who developed a passion for cooking as a child when he spent weekends in his father's bakery. Last month some 300 health-care professionals, most of them physicians, gathered in Napa Valley to attend Eisenberg's brainchild, Healthy Kitchens, Healthy Lives, a collaboration between Harvard and the Culinary Institute of America. They listened to scientists talk about healthy carbs and phyto-nutrients. They received guidance on the basics—how to hold a knife, how to measure portion size. And they learned how to eat mindfully, savoring flavor, texture and taste.

Dr. Rajani LaRocca attended an earlier session in April and went home inspired. Plenty of LaRocca's patients at a community health center in Charlestown, Mass., want to lose weight, but too often they look for an easy out. "People come in and ask, 'Is there a pill?' " she says. A couple of weeks ago, LaRocca and her colleagues put on a healthy-cooking demonstration for their patients, teaching them that olive and canola oils are "good" fats—something many doctors still don't know, according to a survey of physicians published in Nutrition Journal. "You have to change the basic way you think about food," says LaRocca.

Medical professionals must change the way they think about themselves, too—and early on. Dr. Jo Marie Reilly, of the Keck School of Medicine of the University of Southern California, has seen the negative impact that doughnut-eating, sedentary young M.D.s can have on their clinic population. Patients will say, "This doctor is telling me to lose weight and exercise more, but look how he looks," Reilly says. Reilly's first-year med students must fill out a "physician wellness contract" stating their personal health goals. Yohualli Balderas-Medina, 23, committed to running regularly and maintaining close ties with friends and family, which can reduce stress and lead to better health outcomes. She's done both, and says she feels "healthy and motivated." A great beginning for a future doc and her patients.

URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/162334

Sunday, October 12, 2008

VM Oct 3: Resuscitating the Extremely Low-Birth-Weight Infant: Humanitarianism or Hubris?

Pressure exists to resuscitate younger and smaller preterm babies, but ability to predict how the earliest and tiniest will fare if they survive is limited.

Patrick M. Jones, MD, MA, and Brian S. Carter, MD

In any complex, controversial topic, attempts at open dialogue run the risk of shipwrecking on the shore of preconceived, deeply held opinion. For example, walk into a room that contains people at opposite ends of the political spectrum and toss out the phrase "universal health care." If we had the ability to project their initial reactions onto a screen, they would range from a Technicolor utopian society, dancing hand-in-hand with their health care providers to a stark, gray picture of huddled masses in long outdoor lines awaiting their catheterization for emergent cardiac failure. In a similar way, reactions vary when the phase "resuscitation of a 24-weeker" is uttered in mixed health-professional company. On one side of the spectrum a person will see the advances in neonatal care that allow a disease (respiratory distress syndrome) that killed President Kennedy's son only 45 years ago to be consistently and successfully treated today in a premature child born to the least advantaged of our society. Others, should they include pediatric and family physicians, will harken back to their residency days and recall the former premature infant who lived all 6 months of its life on a ventilator in the hospital's neonatal intensive care unit.

Learning Objective Identify sources of the pressure to resuscitate ever-younger and smaller preterm babies and the limits to medicine’s ability to predict how the earliest and tiniest will fare if they survive.

Providing intensive care to extremely low-birth-weight infants (birth weight of less than 1 kilogram) and extremely premature infants (infants born between 22 and 25 weeks' gestation) raises many questions: (1) Who benefits, and when do these benefits cease? (2) Does survival come at any and all costs to the patients, their families, and the health care staff? (3) And is a technology-dependent child truly reaping what is in his or her best interest?

With the birth, growth, and development of the bioethics community during the last 60 years, these questions have entered the public forum, and neonatology has at times found itself to be the perceived "poster-child" for medical hubris—aggressively treating any newborn, ethical concerns be damned. No doubt, parts of the complex technical, sociopolitical, and ethical history of neonatology moved clinical innovation, research, and practice in this direction [1], but we would argue that this history is neither unparalleled nor limited to neonatology. Indeed, all realms of critical care medicine have struggled with these and similar questions, yet a cloud of prejudice lingers over neonatology, casting its life-saving work into shadow and hiding the complexity of decisions made on behalf of extremely premature infants by families and physicians. The brevity of this article prohibits an in-depth discussion of the history and literature on resuscitation of increasingly smaller and younger premature infants. Nevertheless, it is our hope that we can guide the reader through some commonly held notions about neonatology that will serve as an impetus for identifying preconceived notions or biases, reflecting on the matter in a more informed manner, and considering a reexamination of this topic's complexities.

Neonatology Constantly Pushes the Line of Viability Downwards

Not really. In fact, the results of neonatologists' ability to save infants as young as 23 weeks' gestational age has been facilitated by a few major advances in applied technology, pharmaceuticals and procedures—not a gradual and persistent push toward saving younger and younger babies. These advances have occurred in a manner described by the evolutionary concept of punctuated equilibrium—large shifts in the evolution of a species followed by small incremental improvements until the next big shift. For neonatology, those shifts have been the advances in thermal regulation; modification of mechanical ventilators developed for adults for use with newborns (improved initially by the addition of end-expiratory pressure, and later—with the advent of microcircuit technology—by the capability to synchronize respirations with the neonatal patient); discovery and utilization of prenatal steroids on fetal lung development (so that this obstetrical intervention contributes largely to improved neonatal outcomes); and the development of exogenous surfactant for the treatment of respiratory distress syndrome.

Presently, we are limited in sustaining life for fetal neonates by the developmental biology of the lung and its circulation. This limit will most likely persist inasmuch as further ability to support cardiopulmonary function in the smallest and youngest newborns is not foreseeable without disrupting vital organ development. Since the advent of surfactant therapy 18 years ago, clinical research has not for the most part resulted in the ability to save ever-younger babies. The very real limits of fetal biological development force neonatologists and others to question the appropriateness of attempting to sustain extra-uterine life when the costs borne by the patient (organ system maldevelopment or failure) argue for considering not simply survival but the quality of the life saved. Hence, the bulk of research in recent years has been directed towards producing better long-term outcomes for newborns who survive prematurity.

Neonatologists Compete to Save the Smallest Premature Infant

Media attention garnered by certain medical centers upon graduating another in a series of "tiniest babies" saved, makes one wonder whether each NICU has a plaque with a revolving set of numbers that change to announce the weight of its smallest baby saved. The senior author on this paper (BC) has failed to interact with any colleague over the past 20 years at four major medical centers who boasted of saving the smallest baby. Nor has the neonatal fellow (PJ), who has trained at three separate institutions in the past 10 years, had any such interaction. In other words, it is not neonatologists who promote such feats.

The greatest pressure to resuscitate extremely premature infants often comes from outside NICUs. In our health care system, NICUs are substantial revenue generators for hospitals and academic medical centers. As a result, there is a tendency to market women's and infant services in hospitals that have NICUs. The marketing can be done discreetly and with evidence-based local outcomes, or blatantly with large billboards strategically placed on main thoroughfares in a community or in newspaper, television, or Internet advertisements—replete with the seemingly obligatory photo of a tiny baby held in the palm of someone's hand. Considering that health care dollars expended in neonatal services reap more long-term rewards than those spent at any other time in life and with the lowest cost-per-year of life gained [2], the idea for marketing neonatal services comes from offices other than those of neonatologists. The result, however, is that families understandably come to us with the expectation that their premature infant will be as advertised: tiny, cute, and healthy.

Neonatologists Know the Abysmal Outcomes for these Infants, but Push on Regardless

Outcome data is available, but the field is still developing. Making use of follow-up data, investigators are gradually adding to the knowledge base of outcomes for extremely low-birth-weight and early gestation infants [3-6]. The absolute number of these patients is very small (less than 0.5 percent of all U.S. births), and a large number (up to 50 percent, depending upon gestational age) of them die prior to discharge from the NICU. As a result, few infants remain to be tracked in neonatal follow-up clinics that collect information and perform longitudinal neurodevelopmental testing (generally over no more than 2 to 7 years). The follow-up is poorly organized and underfunded in the United States, and, because of this, the existing extremely low-birth-weight outcome literature is based on relatively few numbers. The neonatologist's capacity to prognosticate the outcome for a premature infant, then, is not generally comparable to that of his or her adult medicine colleague who addresses more common, thoroughly studied diseases in larger populations.

Predicting the individual outcome for most extremely low-birth-weight infants remains elusive. Patient information is at times difficult to discover. Depending on a mother's access to and utilization of prenatal care services, estimates of an infant's gestational age can be unreliable. Furthermore, birth weight can vary due to factors other than developmental maturity, allowing children of the same weight to have markedly different chances for survival. But even when all of the desired patient information is available, clinicians are left with the fact that population-based predictions only provide an estimate of outcomes that may or may not accurately reflect the morbidity and mortality risk for any extremely low-birth-weight infant [7].

Two bodies of work that reveal this difficulty are Ambalavanan's attempt to use multiple logistic regression and neural network models to predict extremely low-birth-weight death [8] and Meadow's research on caregiver intuition regarding an individual patient's survival to discharge [7, 9]. While neonatologists may be able to tell prospective parents that, in general, the 22-week gestational age infant will almost certainly die and the 26-week infant will likely do well, they are not good at predicting the individual outcomes of those who fall in between these age brackets.

Even if our predictive abilities were excellent, there would still be limitations to its use.Parents have an understandable habit of hoping. Should a clinician's ability to predict death or severe disability for an individual patient be so accurate that he or she was wrong only 10 percent of the time, it would still mean to the family that its child had a 1-in-10 chance of living or not being severely disabled. What risk threshold is acceptable and who decides? Do clinicians—as both members of society and the community of health care professionals—stand ready to refuse intensive care to a patient, regardless of the family's wishes? And does giving outcome data to families facilitate their decision-making capabilities [10]?

Conclusion

The dilemmas over resuscitation of extremely low-birth-weight infants reach far beyond the medical profession's obsession with technology (no more present in neonatology than elsewhere in modern medicine), misleading media stories of the tiniest survivor, and forgoing the best interest of the patient to satisfy a family's or physician's agenda. These issues cut to the heart of the human questions that permeate medicine: (1) Who decides best-interest? (2) Who speaks for patients when they cannot speak for themselves? (3) What constitutes futile care? (4) And can we even define the word "futile" in the same manner for persons of different age or religious, educational, socioeconomic, and cultural backgrounds?

Recognizing this complexity allows us to approach the question of infant resucitation with less hubris and more humanitarianism, humility, and compassion—appreciating why physicians and families continue to struggle to make resuscitation decisions for extremely low-birth-weight infants.


References

  1. Lantos JD, Meadow WL. Neonatal Bioethics: The Moral Challenges of Medical Innovation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press; 2006.
  2. Cutler DM, Rosen AB, Vijan S. The value of medical spending in the United States, 1960-2000. N Engl J Med. 2006;355(9):920-927.
  3. Costeloe K, Hennessy E, Gibson AT, Marlow N, Wilkerson AR. The EPIcure study: outcomes to discharge from hospital for infants born at the threshold of viability. Pediatrics. 2000;106(4):659-671.
  4. Marlow N, Wolke D, Bracewell MA, Samara M ; EPICure Study Group. Neurologic and developmental disability at six years of age after extremely preterm birth. N Engl J Med. 2005; 352(1):9-19.
  5. Wood NS, Marlow N, Costeloe K, Gibson AT, Wilkinson AR. Neurologic and developmental disability after extremely preterm birth. EPICure Study Group. N Engl J Med. 2000;343(6):378-384.
  6. Tyson JE, Parikh NA, Langer J, Green C, Higgins RD ; National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Neonatal Research Network. Intensive care for extreme prematurity—moving beyond gestational age. N Engl J Med. 2008;358(16):1672-1681.
  7. Meadow W, Frain L, Ren Y, Lee G, Soneji S, Lantos J. Serial assessment of mortality in the neonatal intensive care unit by algorithm and intuition: certainty, uncertainty, and informed consent. Pediatrics. 2002;109(5):878-886.
  8. Ambalavanan N, Carlo WA, Bobashev G, et al. Prediction of death for extremely low birth weight neonates. Pediatrics. 2005;116(6):1367-1373.
  9. Meadow W, Lagatta J, Andrews B, et al. Just, in time: ethical implications of serial predictions of death and morbidity for ventilated premature infants. Pediatrics. 2008;121(4):732-740.
  10. Boss RD, Hutton N, Sulpar LJ, West AM, Donohue PK. Values parents apply to decision-making regarding delivery room resuscitation for high-risk newborns. Pediatrics. 2008;122(3):583-589.

Additional Suggested Reading

  • Carter BS, Stahlman M. Reflections on neonatal intensive care in the U.S.: limited success or success with limits? J Clin Ethics. 2001;12(3):215-222.
  • Singh J, Faranoff J, andrews B, et al. Resuscitation in the "gray zone" of viability: determining physician preferences and predicting infant outcomes. Pediatrics. 2007;120(3):519-526.

Patrick M. Jones, MD, MA, is a clinical fellow in neonatology at Monroe Carell Jr. Children’s Hospital at Vanderbilt University Medical Center. He has a medical degree from Baylor College of Medicine and a master’s degree in bioethics from the University of Virginia. His research interests include end-of-life decision making and the provision of health care to children with life-threatening or life-limiting disease.

Brian S. Carter, MD, is a professor of pediatrics (neonatology) at Vanderbilt University Medical Center and sees patients at the Monroe Carell, Jr. Children’s Hospital at Vanderbilt in Nashville, Tennessee. He serves on the VUMC Ethics Committee and has long been involved in bioethics and palliative care education.

Sunday, October 5, 2008

VM Oct 2: Physician and Parental Decision Making in Newborn Resuscitation

Clinical facts and physicians’ ethical obligations are critical in resolving disagreements between parents and physicians about resuscitation of an extremely premature infant.

Commentary by Eric C. Eichenwald, MD, Frank A. Chervenak, MD, and Laurence B. McCullough, PhD

An ultrasound performed on a woman who was 23 weeks pregnant revealed multiple findings suspicious for trisomy 21 syndrome, (Down syndrome). The woman and her husband were devastated, saying they could not possibly raise a child with mental retardation and physical anomalies, and they requested a termination. The obstetrician recommended amniocentesis for chromosomal analysis that would give definitive diagnosis of trisomy 21, and the test was performed. The parents said they planned to terminate the pregnancy if the results of the chromosome analysis confirmed Down syndrome.

Learning Objective: Identify the clinical facts and ethical obligations of physicians that are critical in resolving disagreements between parents and physicians about resuscitation of an extremely premature infant.

Before the results were returned, the woman arrived at the labor and delivery unit with a tender abdomen, purulent discharge from the cervix, and high fever. She appeared to have an acute intrauterine infection from the amniocentesis procedure. Antibiotics were started, but it soon became clear that the woman was becoming septic; the obstetrician on call recommended rapid delivery of the fetus. The woman and her husband again clearly stated that they wanted no resuscitation performed on the infant after delivery. The couple and the physicians agreed that, given the probability of a severely anomalous infant, the plan would be to provide only comfort care measures.

The woman's labor was induced and she delivered a liveborn female infant, surprisingly robust. The infant had a strong cry, kicked vigorously, and was much larger than anticipated. The neonatologists examining the infant found themselves reconsidering their decision to withhold resuscitation. Suddenly the seemingly certain prenatal diagnosis of Down syndrome appeared implausible, given the appearance of a strong infant without apparent anomalies. The NICU team realized that, under any other circumstance, resuscitation measures would be well under way; they became uneasy as they watched the premature infant's forceful kicking and energetic cries. Within minutes to hours the female infant's lungs would tire and she would die without respiratory support.

The physicians announced to the parents their decision to reverse their previous plan to withhold care based on the healthy appearance of the neonate. The neonatologist described the resuscitation measures they planned to begin. The parents were infuriated. "We had an agreement," the father retorted. "My wife and I made it very clear to you that we cannot manage an impaired child. This is our decision to make—we're the parents, and it is your duty to respect our wishes."

Commentary 1

by Eric C. Eichenwald, MD

Decisions about whether to provide intensive care to periviable infants remain some of the most difficult in neonatology. These decisions do not occur in a vacuum; rather they are complex interactions among parental concerns and rights; societal norms, which may be regional rather than national; and the neonatologist's opinions about viability and medical futility. The case presented is an excellent example of the potential conflicts among these competing demands, and it helps focus some of the issues surrounding prenatal consultation and parental decision making.

Clinical Facts

So, what are the facts about outcomes of extreme prematurity? We know that below a certain gestational age (approximately 22 weeks), because of immaturity of the major organ systems, death is certain even with aggressive care—hence, providing intensive care is medically futile. With advancing gestational age, the chances of survival increase, though this may come at the cost of significant long-term morbidity, especially in those infants born between 23 and 24 weeks' gestation. For example, in the Vermont Oxford Network (a voluntary network for data collection in more than 650 neonatal intensive care units in the U.S. and abroad), among infants born between 1996 and 2000 with a birth weight of 401 to 500 grams and a mean gestational age of 23.2 weeks, mortality was 83 percent, and survivors often had serious short-term medical complications [1]. The EPICure study reported outcomes for all infants born at a gestational age of 20 to 25 weeks over a 10-month period in 1995 in the U.K. and Ireland. Only 811 of the 4,004 infants (20 percent) received intensive care, and 39 percent of those survived to discharge [2]. Of the survivors, 16.5 percent had ultrasonographic evidence of severe brain injury. Of these surviving infants who were evaluated at 30 months of age, half had a motor, cognitive, or neurosensory disability; in approximately one quarter of the children, the disability was considered severe.

The National Institutes of Child Health and Development Neonatal Research Network recently analyzed outcomes at 18 to 22 months of age of 4,446 infants born between 22 to 25 weeks' gestation at 19 centers in the United States [3]. Of these, 83 percent received intensive care in the form of mechanical ventilation. Of the infants for whom outcome could be determined, 49 percent died, 61 percent died or had profound impairment, and 73 percent died or had impairment (defined as mental retardation, moderate or severe cerebral palsy, blindness, or deafness). Factors in addition to gestational age that were found to affect a favorable outcome to intensive care included being female, exposure to antenatal corticosteroids, singleton gestation, and birth weight. A web-based tool to approximate survival without impairment based on these data is available at the National Institutes of Health web site [4].

How Neonatologists Act on These Facts

How do neonatologists interpret these data when it comes to decisions in the delivery room about resuscitation of an individual infant? A cross-sectional survey of 149 practicing neonatologists in six New England states queried attitudes about whether intensive care was beneficial at different gestational ages [5]. At or below 23-0/7 weeks gestation, 93 percent of the reporting neonatologists considered treatment futile. In contrast, at 24-1/7 to 24-6/7 weeks and 25-1/7 to 25-6/7 weeks' gestation, 41 percent and 84 percent of respondents, respectively, considered treatment beneficial. When asked to consider parental requests, 91 percent of the neonatologists responding reported that they would resuscitate in the delivery room despite parental requests to withhold treatment if they considered treatment to be clearly beneficial. When respondents considered treatment to be of uncertain benefit, 100 percent reported that they would resuscitate if parents requested, 98 percent reported that they would resuscitate if parents were unsure, and 76 percent reported that they would follow parental requests to withhold. Thus, while parents' requests about their infant's resuscitation influence the neonatologist's decision making in the delivery room, these decisions are also heavily influenced by the physicians' beliefs about the gestational age bounds of clearly beneficial care, which are strikingly variable among physicians.

These data reinforce the need for prenatal consultation with parents prior to the expected delivery of an extremely preterm infant. In the same survey of New England neonatologists, respondents were queried as to the content of prenatal consultation [6]. The results showed that neonatologists consistently discussed the clinical issues anticipated with the expectant parents, but they varied when it came to discussing the social and ethical issues surrounding an extreme preterm birth. Of note, while 77 percent of the neonatologists surveyed indicated they thought that decisions about withholding resuscitation should be made jointly with parents, only 40 percent said that the decision is made by both parties in actual practice.

While it is clear that the consulting neonatologist's beliefs about the benefits of providing intensive care influence how the consultation is performed, it is also evident that how the message is framed to parents influences decisions. In a survey of adult volunteers, a hypothetical vignette of a threatened delivery at a gestational age of 23 weeks was given to participants [7]. Respondents were randomly assigned to receive the same prognostic outcome information framed as either likelihood of survival with lack of disability (positive frame) or the chance of dying and likelihood of disability (negative frame), and asked to decide on resuscitation or comfort care. Overall, 24 percent of respondents chose comfort care, and 76 percent chose resuscitation. More participants chose to provide comfort care rather than resuscitation when the vignette was presented in a negative frame.

In practice, because of the uncertainty surrounding outcomes in periviable infants, after prenatal consultation even, many parents are unable to state definitively whether they desire resuscitation or not. In these circumstances, it is left to the neonatologist to decide whether to intervene in the delivery room. Many neonatologists use their initial assessment of the infant at birth and the response to initial resuscitative efforts to help them decide whether to proceed with further intensive care. In a study of outcomes of infants with a birth weight equal to or less than 750 grams, proxy measures of "how the infant looked" in the delivery room (Apgar scores and heart rate at one and five minutes) "were neither sensitive to nor predictive of death before discharge, survival with neurologic disability, or intact neurologic survival" [8].

Guiding Principles for Decision Making

Where are we left with these difficult decisions about what to do in the delivery room when a periviable infant is born? First, prenatal consultation should provide the expectant parents with factual information about survival and outcomes, unfettered by the neonatologist's personal beliefs. Second, it is essential that the parents' beliefs and attitudes about quality of life be sought and understood. Finally, respect for the parents as decision makers for their unborn infant must form the basis for these conversations. It must remain clear, however, that after the infant's birth, the neonatologist's first duty is to his or her patient—the newly born infant. While the judgment to offer resuscitation to an individual infant should be heavily influenced by the parents' wishes, if clinical circumstances are found to be different after birth than was expected, the physician must first consider the rights of the baby.

This case presents exactly that dilemma—a prenatal diagnosis which is unconfirmed, and an infant perhaps more mature and vigorous than expected. Here, several errors may have been made which influenced the parental decisions. It is unclear whether the parents were provided a sense of the uncertainty of the diagnosis of trisomy 21 based on the ultrasound findings. Many findings "associated" with an aneuploidy may also be seen in a normal fetus. When the mother developed chorioamnionitis after the amniocentesis, the decision to resuscitate the infant needed to be reconsidered and discussed with the parents in the context of what to do if the diagnosis of trisomy 21 was incorrect. It is possible that the parents, when provided with the full information about the outcomes of extreme prematurity, might have chosen resuscitation in the absence of a chromosomal abnormality.

Lastly, as is true for any prenatal consultation, uncertainty about the gestational age needs to be clarified—it is clear that differences of 1 week of gestation can profoundly alter outcome and influence the decision to provide intensive care. While the neonatologist does indeed have a duty to respect the parents' wishes, he or she also has an obligation to provide care that is, in his or her opinion, beneficial to the baby. I would argue in this case, since the gestational age of the infant is certain to be 23 weeks or less, our knowledge of outcomes would swing the first duty to the parent's strongly expressed wishes for no resuscitation, and, regardless of the condition of the infant after birth, comfort care would be appropriate.


References

  1. Lucey JF, Rowan CA, Shiono P, et al. Fetal infants: the fate of 4172 infants with birth weights of 401 to 500 grams–the Vermont Oxford Network experience (1996-2000). Pediatrics. 2004;113(6):1559-1566.
  2. Costeloe K, Hennessy E, Gibson AT, Marlow N, Wilkinson AR. The EPICure study: outcomes to discharge from hospital for infants born at the threshold of viability. Pediatrics. 2000;106(4):659-671.
  3. Tyson JE, Parikh NA, Langer J, Green C, Higgins RD. Intensive care for preterm newborns—moving beyond gestational age thresholds. N Engl J Med. 2008;358(16):1672-1681.
  4. NICHD Neonatal Research Network (NRN): Extremely Preterm Birth Outcome Data. National Institute of Child Health and Human Development web site. http://www.nichd.nih.gov/about/org/cdbpm/pp/prog%5Fepbo/. Updated April 17, 2008. Accessed August 26, 2008.
  5. Peerzada JM, Richardson DK, Burns JP. Delivery room decision-making at the threshold of viability. J Pediatr. 2004;145(4):492-498.
  6. Bastek TK, Richardson DK, Zupancic JA, Burns JP. Prenatal consultation practices at the border of viability: a regional survey. Pediatrics. 2005;116(2):407-413.
  7. Haward MF, Murphy RO, Lorenz JM. Message framing and perinatal decisions. Pediatrics. 2008;122(1):109-118.
  8. Singh J, Fanaroff J, Andrews B, et al. Resuscitation in the "gray zone" of viability: determining physician preferences and predicting infant outcomes. Pediatrics. 2007;120(3):519-526.

Eric C. Eichenwald, MD, is associate professor of pediatrics at Baylor College of Medicine and medical director of the Newborn Center at Texas Children’s Hospital, both in Houston.

Commentary 2

by Frank A. Chervenak, MD, and Laurence B. McCullough, PhD

This case involves the physician's ethical obligations to a pregnant woman and her husband during pregnancy and also the physician's ethical obligations to a neonatal patient and its parents after liveborn delivery. The difference between these two sets of ethical obligations is crucial for understanding how the team should respond to the refusal of intervention by the child's parents.

The Pregnant Woman as a Patient

The physician's ethical obligations to a pregnant woman are both beneficence-based and autonomy-based. As her fiduciary, i.e., a professional committed to protect and promote her health-related interests, the physician has a beneficence-based obligation to offer, recommend, and perform clinical interventions that are reliably expected to result in the greater balance of clinical goods over clinical harms for the woman in the course of her pregnancy. Pregnant women have their own perspective on health-related and other interests, and the ethical principle of respect for patient autonomy obligates the physician to provide the pregnant woman with the information relevant to her decisions about the clinical management of her pregnancy and then to implement only those clinical interventions that she authorizes as a result of the informed consent process [1].

The Fetus as a Patient

The physician also has beneficence-based obligations to protect and promote the health-related interests of the fetus, but only when the fetus is a patient. The physician does not have autonomy-based obligations to any fetus, because its developmental state does not support the complex psychosocial functioning by virtue of which an individual generates its own moral status. In the language of ethics, the fetus is not capable of generating independent moral status or rights, hence the concept and discourse of fetal rights are best avoided in determining a physician's ethical obligations to a pregnant woman.

The fetus is a patient when it is presented to a physician or other health care professional for clinical interventions. In the language of ethics, the fetus has dependent moral status when there are links between its current existence in utero and its later becoming a child. Before viability (the ability of the fetus to survive ex utero with full technological support) the only link between a fetus and its later becoming a child is the pregnant woman's autonomous decision to confer the dependent moral status of being a patient on her fetus. Prior to viability the pregnant woman is free to withhold conferring moral status or, having conferred it, to withdraw it.

When a woman presents herself to a physician or other health care professional after viability (typically after 24 weeks' completed gestation by reliable ultrasound dating), the fetus is a patient, and the physician has beneficence-based obligations to protect and promote its health-related interests. We emphasize that the fetus is not a separate patient, because these beneficence-based obligations must always be balanced against the physician's autonomy-based and beneficence-based obligations to the pregnant woman [1].

It is well accepted in obstetric ethics that a pregnant woman is free to withdraw the conferred moral status of being a patient from a previable fetus whether the fetus has an anomaly or not. Therefore, a woman is free to continue or end her pregnancy in either case. When there is a suspicion of trisomy 21 with ultrasound late in the second trimester, the obstetrician should attempt to resolve this uncertainty as expeditiously as possible with invasive genetic diagnosis.

In this case scenario, the physician would have been ethically justified to offer the pregnant woman invasive intervention to cause in utero fetal death by intracardiac potassium chloride injection before labor was induced [2]. A major preventive ethics aspect of this case, unmentioned in the scenario, is that this option should have been discussed with the parents by the physician. Because the fetus is previable, the pregnant woman's autonomous decision making determines whether or not it has conferred status as a patient. Had she decided to withdraw the status of being a patient from her fetus at that time, it would no longer have been a patient. Terminating the life of a previable fetus in utero does not violate any professional, beneficence-based obligations to a fetal patient and is therefore permissible in obstetric ethics.

If her pregnancy had continued to viability, then the fetus would have become a patient. We have argued elsewhere that it is permissible to perform an abortion of a viable fetus but only when one of two conditions is met: "a very high probability of a correct diagnosis…[with] either (a) a very high probability of death as an outcome of the anomaly diagnosed or (b) a very high probability of severe irreversible deficit of cognitive developmental capacity as a result of the anomaly diagnosed" [3]. Neither condition, we emphasize, can be competently judged to be met by the presence of Down syndrome, much less the increased risk of Down syndrome. Therefore it would be unethical to perform termination of a viable pregnancy in this context.

The Neonate as a Patient

A fundamental component of the ethical concept of the previable fetus as a patient is that this moral status is a function of the pregnant woman's autonomous decision to confer it. In contrast, infants born alive in the presence of health care professionals become patients independently of the autonomy of their parents. This is because the general ethical concept of being a patient requires only that the human being in question be presented to a physician or other health care professional and that there exist clinical interventions that are reliably expected to result in the greater balance of clinical goods over clinical harms to that human being. Moreover, parents of a liveborn infant become his or her moral fiduciaries, and they, too, are obligated to protect and promote the health-related interests of their child. Thus, a liveborn infant simultaneously acquires two kinds of mutually reinforcing moral status—one as a patient of health care professionals to whom the infant is presented and a second as a child of his or her parents. As their child's fiduciaries, parents have a beneficence-based obligation to authorize clinical intervention when their child's health care professionals have beneficence-based obligations to intervene [4].

Neonatal resuscitation and subsequent neonatal critical care management are understood to be trials of intervention. They are undertaken to achieve the short-term goal of preventing imminent death and the long-term goal of an acceptable clinical outcome. For infants, acceptable outcomes should be understood from a clinical perspective: is continued critical-care intervention reliably expected to preserve some interactive capacity that will support some psychosocial development that is not overwhelmed by the child's condition or the iatrogenic complications of treatment?

The ethical analysis of the neonate's status as a patient has important clinical implications in this case. The outcomes for infants born at reliably estimated 23 weeks' gestation vary according to the infant's sex, its singleton versus multiple status, and administration of steroids [5]. Outcomes also vary by the presence and severity of anomalies [6, 7].

Resuscitation and transfer to the neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) is reliably expected to prevent this neonate's imminent death, hence the short-term goal of clinical intervention, preventing imminent demise, can be reasonably expected to be achieved for this patient.

Concerning the long-term goal of achieving an acceptable clinical outcome, we note that this infant was a singleton and is female, factors that increase her chance of survival and decrease the risk of developmental impairment. In addition, no anomalies have been identified. Even if trisomy 21 had been confirmed by genetic evaluation, that anomaly cannot be reliably predicted to eliminate interactive capacity and psychosocial development; most infants with Down syndrome have mild or moderate mental retardation, both of which are compatible with significant psychosocial development.

The father's express concern that he and his wife are not able to manage an impaired child has uncertain bearing on decision making at this time, because a prediction that their child would be significantly developmentally impaired as a result of extreme prematurity is uncertain. It is ethically impermissible for the team to discontinue clinical management of this neonatal patient at this time, because it cannot be reliably expected that the second goal of critical care intervention—an acceptable clinical outcome—will not be achieved.

The judgment that there is sufficient clinical and ethical justification to resuscitate and transfer the infant to the NICU should be explained to both parents. They should be counseled about continuing clinical management as a trial of intervention that will be reconsidered should evidence-based clinical reasoning subsequently support a prognosis of imminent death that cannot be prevented or of irreversible, profound loss of developmental capacity from the child's condition or iatrogenic complications.

Another preventive ethics aspect of this case is that both parents should be informed prior to birth, that when physicians and other health care professionals have a fiduciary, beneficence-based obligation to continue clinical management, parents have a directly parallel fiduciary responsibility to authorize such management. The goal of the discussion should be to prepare the parents for the shift from obstetric to neonatal ethics and the relatively diminished force of parental autonomy in the latter circumstance. We have argued that these parallel and mutually reinforcing fiduciary obligations are still substantial despite predicted caregiving burdens [1, 3].


References

  1. Chervenak FA, McCullough LB. Ethics in obstetrics and gynecology. An overview. Eur J Obstet Gynecol Reprod Biol. 1997;75(1):91-94.
  2. Fletcher JC, Isada NB, Pryde PG, Johnson MP, Evans MI. Fetal intracardiac potassium chloride injection to avoid the hopeless resuscitation of an abnormal abortus: II. Ethical issues. Obstet Gynecol. 1992;80(2):310-313.
  3. Chervenak FA, McCullough LB, Campbell S. Third trimester abortion: is compassion enough? Br J Obstet Gynaecol. 1999;106(4):293-296.
  4. McCullough LB. Neonatal ethics at the limits of viability. Pediatrics. 2005;116(4):1019-1021.
  5. Tyson JE, Parikh NA, Langer J, Green C, Higgins RD; National Institute for Child Health and Human Development Neonatal Research Network. Intensive care for extreme prematurity—moving beyond gestational age. N Engl J Med. 2008;358(16):1672-1681.
  6. Chervenak FA, McCullough LB. The limits of viability. J Perinat Med. 1997;25(5):418-420.
  7. Chervenak FA, McCullough LB, Levene MI. An ethically justified, clinically comprehensive approach to peri-viability: gynaecological, obstetric, perinatal, and neonatal dimensions. J Obstet Gynaecol. 2007;27(1):3-7.

Frank A. Chervenak, MD, is the Given Foundation Professor and chairman of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology at Weill Medical College of Cornell University in New York.

Laurence B. McCullough, PhD, is the Dalton Tomlin Chair in Medical Ethics and Health Policy at the Baylor College of Medicine Center for Medical Ethics and Health Policy in Houston.

Saturday, October 4, 2008

U.S. to launch landmark child health study

$3.2 billion effort will follow 100,000 kids for two decades
Reuters
updated 2:24 p.m. ET, Fri., Oct. 3, 2008

WASHINGTON - A study that will cost $3.2 billion and last more than two decades to track the health of 100,000 U.S. children from before birth to age 21 will be launched in January, U.S. health officials said on Friday.

The National Children's Study will examine factors behind autism, cerebral palsy, learning disabilities, birth defects, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, diabetes, asthma, heart disease, obesity and other conditions, the U.S. government's National Institutes of Health said.

NIH officials said they hope the study, to be conducted at 105 locations throughout the United States, can help pinpoint early-life influences that affect later development, with the goal of learning new ways to treat or prevent illness.

The study will examine hereditary and environmental factors such as exposure to certain chemicals that affect health.

Researchers will collect genetic and biological samples from people in the study as well as samples from the homes of the women and their babies including air, water, dust and materials used to construct their residences, the NIH said.

Officials said more than $200 million has been spent already and the study is projected to cost $3.2 billion.

"We anticipate that in the long term, what we learn from the study will result in a significant savings in the nation's health care costs," Dr. Duane Alexander, who heads the NIH's Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, told reporters.

Pregnant women will enroll in January
The study will begin in January when the University of North Carolina and the Mount Sinai School of Medicine in New York start signing up pregnant women whose babies would then be followed to age 21.

Some of the early findings will be about factors behind pre-term birth, which has become more common in recent years, according to Dr. Peter Scheidt of the NIH, who heads the study.

The first data from the study could be available in 2012 or 2013.

Scheidt said the study also may end up being the largest ever conducted with pregnant women.

The NIH on Friday named 27 institutions that will take part in the study. Nine others had been named previously and a few more are expected to be picked in the future, the NIH said.

The people taking part will be from rural, urban and suburban areas, from all income and educational levels and from all racial groups, the NIH said.

Friday, October 3, 2008

VM Oct. 1 - Ethically Responsible Use of NICU Capabilities

Resident editor introduces the October 2008 issue of Virtual Mentor on the topic of ethics in the neonatal intensive care unit.

This issue of Virtual Mentor explores the complex decisions that advances in neonatal intensive care have forced physicians, parents, and society to confront. The neonatal intensive care unit is widely celebrated as one of the great triumphs of the medical community in the past 30 years. Not only are NICUs credited with highly publicized cases of "miracle babies" born at the extremes of prematurity who go on to become highly successful members of society, they have also emerged as major profit-generating centers for financially challenged hospitals.

The threshold of viability—the age at which neonatologists will consider resuscitating premature infants—has dipped to 23 weeks' gestation in some centers. This increasingly early threshold for intervention, commonly viewed by the public as a medical triumph, has in turn decreased the gestational age at which obstetricians will perform invasive procedures for fetal well-being, often with major long-term morbidity for the mother. Although the overall survival of these extremely premature infants has increased with the development of sophisticated technological interventions, so too has our understanding of the serious short- and long-term sequelae of prematurity. The short-term morbidities associated with prematurity are described in this issue's clinical pearl by Tara Randis. Costs associated with intensive care as well as ongoing chronic care for long-term sequelae of prematurity are immense. Moreover, the ability of current treatments to bring extremely preterm infants to childhood both physically and neurologically intact remains tenuous. A large Norwegian cohort studied for 16 years showed increased medical and social disabilities in adults born at decreasing gestational ages, findings that compel us to question the true social cost of resuscitating increasingly premature infants [1].


Challenges for Physicians and Parents

Three clinical cases illustrate ethical challenges that confront NICU physicians. The first case, in which an infant with a possible diagnosis of trisomy 21 is born at 23 weeks' gestation, examines the limits of parental autonomy in determining whether to resuscitate the extremely preterm infant. Eric Eichenwald, Frank A. Chervenak, and Laurence B. McCullough summarize the clinical facts and physicians' ethical obligations that are critical in resolving disagreements between parents and physicians over resuscitation.

A NICU team struggles to make difficult treatment decisions in the absence of parent advocates in the second case, raising the question of whether it is possible to develop a rule-based approach to administration of neonatal care. Steve Leuthner and J.M. Lorenz argue that widely accepted, evidence-based guidelines for resuscitation have been forged, but no rules or guidelines can cover every possible case, and, when the limits of those guidelines are reached, physicians must determine the best interest of the infant at hand.

Balancing the interests of mother and fetus is a constant struggle for obstetricians who encounter women with medical conditions that necessitate delivery at the threshold of viability. The third case explores an obstetrician's dilemma in counseling a woman about a delivery mode that may subject the unborn fetus to significant morbidity and mortality. The reverse of this is also true. Anne Drapkin Lyerly describes the pitfalls in using nondirective counseling with patients concerning the mode of delivery for periviable fetuses. Lyerly makes a persuasive case for framing medical options in a way that offers parents socially and ethically sound choices.


Questions for Society

NICU successes and their place of prominence in U.S. hospitals entreat us to think about our shared social values. What does society's drive to exert effort and resources into resuscitating increasingly premature infants say about us? Does the fact that the Medicaid reimbursements for NICU care are among the program's highest reinforce the idea that we value supporting our most vulnerable members? Or, does it suggest an inability to regulate our own technological advances and an unwillingness to apply them in a more socially prudent manner?

In "Resuscitating the Extremely Low-Birth-Weight Infant: Humanitarianism or Hubris?" Patrick Jones and Brian Carter explain some of the social pressures for resuscitating extremely low-birth-weight infants. And Annie Janvier, in "Jumping to Premature Conclusions," describes how the goals of fertility specialists can conflict with those of neonatologists.

In their health policy commentary, "The Cost of Saving the Tiniest Lives: NICUs versus Prevention," Jonathan Muraskas and Kayhan Parsi detail the resources currently devoted to neonatal intensive care that may be better spent in prenatal care and prevention of preterm birth. Ferdinand Yates' op-ed piece exhorts physicians and parents to work together to decide on treatment for marginally viable premature infants that is in the infant's best interest.

Medical students' and residents' preparation to counsel women giving birth at the threshold of viability is a topic of urgent concern. Katherine Singh and Patrick Catalano describe the challenge of developing and teaching sound ethical judgment in the context of a rigorous obstetrical training program at a county hospital. In her personal narrative, Judette Louis offers her perspective on how delivering her own twins at 25 weeks' gestation altered the way she counsels high-risk patients facing a preterm birth.

Through these commentaries, Virtual Mentor readers are invited to explore their own attitudes toward prematurity. Those pursuing careers in pediatrics, neonatology, and obstetrics/gynecology will grapple daily with decisions about a patient's best interest—from pregnant women to prematurely born infants to concerned NICU parents. Please allow the commentaries and articles that follow to deepen your appreciation for the powerful therapeutic capacity of the NICU even as you develop a sense of our responsibility as physicians to implement this resource in a morally and socially responsible manner.


Reference

  1. Moster D, Lie RT, Markestad T. Long-term medical and social consequences of preterm birth. N Engl J Med. 2008;359(3):262-273.